Egyptians to Americans: Stop Backing Dictators in Egypt

Egyptian parliamentary elections scheduled to begin in April have been postponed, and there should be a lesson in that for John Kerry, the new American secretary of State: don’t let what seems like pragmatism blind you to the powerful emotions of the people.

john Kerry
Secretary of State John Kerry walks out of his plane upon arrival in Cairo, March 2, 2013. Cairo is the sixth leg of Kerry’s first official overseas trip and begins the Middle East portion of his nine-day journey. (Pool photo by Jacquelyn Martin)

When Kerry landed in Egypt last week, on his first magical mystery tour through the Middle East in his new role, many of the liberals fighting the Islamist-dominated government of President Mohamed Morsi refused to meet him. I was among those in the broad coalition of the National Salvation Front who accepted the invitation and agreed to make a few remarks.

I hoped I could make Kerry feel the intense hopes and bitter disappointments experienced by Egypt’s revolutionaries. These same emotions are what drive so many to keep pouring into the streets in the face of savage government repression, keeping the revolution alive day after day, week after week. With parliamentary elections approaching in April, the Front announced it would boycott and the protests intensify.

That the meeting with Kerry took place in the “Aida” hall of the Marriott Hotel seemed somehow appropriate. A modern expression of a failed colonial past, it was built around a 19th-century palace constructed by a corrupt khedive to honor the French emperor for building the Suez Canal.

This, condensed a bit, is what I said there:
Secretary of State Kerry,

You are in Egypt at a very complex moment: a time when we are living pain and hope, dreams and nightmares—a revolution against tyranny.

Egypt does not need new aid from the United States. Egypt needs to build a new relationship on new foundations. Our country is not a lab for your experiments or a testing ground for your theories.

You backed up a semi-military regime in the past, and now you are supporting a religion-based regime. You did this so that these regimes would play the roles that you demanded of them.

You supported Hosni Mubarak until the last breath—the very last breath—of his regime. You, the United States, stood against the dreams of the people while they struggled to escape the dungeons of dictatorship.
Riot policemen fire tear gas at protesters opposing Egyptian President Mursi during clashes along Qasr Al Nil bridge in Cairo
Your officials like to describe our revolution as an “uprising.” That may be the way it looks to you. But for us, it is a REVOLUTION—and it continues. Our noblest people paid with their souls so that we can build a country where we can live in freedom, justice, and dignity. We did not make a revolution in Egypt to repaint the presidential palace, to renovate it, or just to have your embassy protocol officers change their contact list.

You, the United States, stood against the dreams of the people while they struggled to escape the dungeons of dictatorship.
If Abraham Lincoln, whom your country celebrates, had settled for buying new clothes for the slaves and kept slavery, America wouldn’t be so proud of its freedom today, nor would such a “democracy” have made it the powerful country it is.

We, Mr.Obama, want for our country, Egypt, to be a great nation also, just like yours. We have the foundations, the civilization, the vital forces that make it possible for us to achieve these dreams.

No, we are not an “uprising.” We are a revolution that still continues in order to build a new relationship between the ruler and the people. But it seems that your administration in Washington and thus your embassy in Cairo want to tailor a democracy for us here which is size S for small at a time when we think we should have a democracy that is XXX large.

You don’t realize, Sir, how grand our dreams are and deserve to be. Strangely, there is something that makes you think that we think that what we have is enough.

You used to describe Mubarak and his regime as democratic, legitimate, and elected—until hours before his overthrow. And you still describe the current regime of Mohamed Morsi as legitimate and elected at a time when he is killing peaceful protesters, and kidnapping and torturing young activists! This alone puts the regime’s legitimacy in question, if it has not lost it completely already.
Obamas bitch
President, Barack Obama, said the Egyptian revolution is one that will teach the whole world, and that is precisely what we want to do: to become a democratic model. But that appears to be way beyond your estimates for what Egypt can do, or what it deserves. Your embassy here reports that the current regime is elected, democratic, and liable to negotiate, while the opposition in Egypt is impossible to deal with and addicted to boycotts! Perhaps that really is what you see. But what we see is that Morsi, the man you appointed and are backing, is detaining, torturing, and killing us in the streets. And what we see is that you are supporting such a regime. What we see is that you support the forces that want to stop the revolution in Egypt for their own interests.America it is time to rethink policy for your interest before it is too late.

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As Crisis Deepens in Egypt After Ruling on Riot, Calls for a Military Coup

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PORT SAID, Egypt — Just months ago, demonstrators here and around Egypt were chanting for the end of military rule. But on Saturday, as a court ruling about a soccer riot set off angry mobs, many in the crowd here declared they now believed that a military coup might be the best hope to restore order.

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Tara Todras-Whitehill for The New York Times
The court confirmed the death sentences it had issued last month to 21 Port Said soccer fans.
“Military rule was bad, but they would be better,” Ahmed Abdel Fattah, 50, said. “Where is the state? Where is the Interior Ministry, the government? Where are the decisions to protect the interests of the people?” He added, “The military should take over until the police are ready.”
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Although such calls are hardly universal and there is no threat of an imminent coup, the growing murmurs that military intervention may be the only solution to the collapse of public security can be heard across the country, especially in circles opposed to the Islamists who have dominated post-Mubarak elections. Others plead for reform to forestall such an outcome. Either way, the talk reflects the dire state of the security crisis, which threatens not only Egypt’s transition to democracy but also its hopes to stave off economic collapse. And here in Port Said, a focal point of the widening crisis since the police lost control more than a month ago, a form of local military takeover has already taken place.
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As the city braced for a court ruling on Saturday about responsibility for a deadly riot last year at a match between Port Said and Cairo, security forces fled the city and turned over their burned-out headquarters — as well as sole responsibility for public safety — to the military. The few local police stations where staff was still present “suspended” their work, officers said, in what appeared to be part of a widening strike by police and security forces across the country.
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The crisis in Port Said began in late January with a verdict similar to the one issued Saturday: a court sentenced 21 local soccer fans to death for their role in a riot at match against a team for Cairo.
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That decision set off a month of lethal clashes with security forces that killed at least four police officers and more than 40 civilians. It also prompted the president to deploy the military to protect Port Said’s Suez Canal port and other vital facilities.

On Saturday the court reaffirmed the death sentences and added a verdict that only increased the anger in the streets. It convicted two senior security officials, sentencing both to 15 years in jail for negligence, but it acquitted seven police officers and two officials of the Port Said soccer club.
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However, with the police all but gone, crowds that had vowed revenge were unsure where to vent their rage. Along with wailing relatives of those sentenced to die, hundreds of Port Said residents gathered in the square opposite the empty security headquarters, which was badly damaged by flames and pockmarked with broken windows from a weeklong siege by protesters. “The whole city comes to the streets!” one man shouted.

But the crowd was confused. “We don’t know what to do!” one man shouted. “We want a police officer to kill, a soldier to rip apart.” Another screamed in frustration: “They took the police outside the city so we will bang our heads against the wall!”

When some in the crowd moved toward soldiers, a row of civilians linked hands and held back the mob. “The army and the people are one hand,” they chanted, reprising the mantra of the early days after the ouster of Hosni Mubarak, when protesters applauded the military for taking over to bring him down.

Handmade banners around the city echoed the sentiments. “Port Said is in the protection of the military,” read one notice signed by “the people of Port Said.”

And the military hung banners that appeared to take the side of the residents against the police. “The Armed Forces share the people’s grief for the martyrs of Port Said,” one military sign declared.

The mob surged toward the Suez Canal, determined to lash out at that pillar of the Egyptian state and economy. But the protesters needed a ferry ride to get to the working port on the other side. Two coast guard vessels blocked attempts to commandeer a fishing boat.

Several soldiers looked on. But they did not interfere as the crowd burned the ring of tires cushioning two piers. Nor did the mob harass the soldiers.
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In interviews and overheard debates, angry residents gave a mix of reasons for their refusal to take on the soldiers. Some were grateful that the military’s takeover had ended the deadly clashes. Others feared the military, with heavy weapons and professional troops, far more than they feared the police. And others were impatient that the military had not yet taken over the whole country.

“We are asking for a coup d’état!” said Fatma El-Nabawy, 40, as a crowd around her nodded.

Mohamed El-Gaabawy, 26, acknowledged the incongruity of calling for a military coup just months after demanding the generals’ exit. He said he put his hope in the new defense minister, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who has shown less interest in permanent political power.

When General Ahmed Wasfi, in charge of the military’s operations in Port Said, arrived Friday night, a crowd cheered him. “What are you waiting for, sir?” they asked.

The army had come “to secure the area, not to replace the interior ministry,” General Wasfi told them.
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But he sounded a little like a mayor, enlisting civilian volunteers to help restore order and clean up the debris. “I want Port Said to look as beautiful as a bride tonight,” he said. “Shops must not close. People and weddings must come back. The normal work must return. People must see what Port Said is.”

In Cairo, hard-core soccer fans initially cheered the death sentences to their rivals in Port Said but then shifted to anger at the police acquittals. They burned the headquarters of the Egyptian soccer federation and the ornate Police Officers Club, a complex of pink buildings including a restaurant, a wedding hall and a hotel.

“Step aside! We are here for the police,” the soccer fans storming the club told its staff. The police were nowhere to be found during the attack, and employees said that many of the club’s members had stayed home in anticipation of violence after the verdict.
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The few police still in Port Said appeared to hide inside their stations. In one, Lt. Mohamed Gamal, in plain clothes, said the local police had decided to “suspend” their work in solidarity. The officers had taken only “humanitarian complaints” for a week, he said. “We are tired of confronting the people.”

David D. Kirkpatrick reported from Port Said, and Kareem Fahim from Cairo. Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting from Port Said.

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ن.تايمز:الانقلاب العسكرى الحل الأمثل لإنقاذ مصرمن الفوضى

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رأت صحيفة THE NEW YOURK TIMES الأمريكية ان مصر بحاجة إلى انقلاب عسكري، حيث ان قيام انقلاب عسكري الآن هو أفضل أمل لاستعادة النظام، على الرغم مما حدث منذ عدة أشهر وقيام المتظاهرين بالسعي لإنهاء الحكم العسكري، إلا ان الوضع مختلف الآن.
ومن جانبهأ أكد أحد المصريين أن الحكم العسكري كان سيئا، ولكنهم سيكونوا أفضل الآن، مضيفا “أين هي الدولة؟ وأين وزارة الداخلية والحكومة؟ وأين قراراتها لحماية مصالح الشعب؟، بالإضافة ان الجيش يجب ان يتولى حتى تكون الشرطة مستعدة.
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وأوضحت الصحيفة أنه على الرغم من أن مثل هذه الدعوات هي بمثابة دعوات عالمية، وأنه ليس هناك خطر من حدوث انقلاب وشيك، إلا أن البعض يرى أن التدخل العسكري قد يكون الطريق لانهيار الأمن العام.
وعلى الجانب الآخر، ومع تزايد الدعوات لخروج الجيش وتولي السلطة وصلت رسالة إلى اللواء أحمد وصفي – المسئول عن العمليات العسكرية في بور سعيد- من أحد المواطنين يخبره فيها بضرورة التحرك لحل الأزمة، إلا أن الجيش رد بأنه حان الوقت لتأمين المنطقة ولكن لا يحل الجيش محل وزارة الداخلية.

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Pregnancy, Estrogen, and Women

Q: Should I have a baby after 35?
A: No, 35 children is enough.

Q : I’m two months pregnant now. When will my baby move?
A: With any luck, right after he finishes college.

Q : What is the most reliable method to determine a baby’s sex?
A: Childbirth.
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Q: My wife is five months pregnant and so moody that sometimes she’s borderline irrational.
A: So what’s your question?

Q?: My childbirth instructor says it’s not pain I’ll feel during labor, but pressure. Is she right?
A: Yes, in the same way that a tornado might be called an air current.?

Q: When is the best time to get an epidural?
A: Right after you find out you’re pregnant.

Q?: Is there any reason I have to be in the delivery room while my wife is in labor?
A: Not unless the word “alimony” means anything to you.

Q: Is there anything I should avoid while recovering from childbirth?
A: Yes, pregnancy.

Q: Do I have to have a baby shower?
A: Not if you change the baby’s diaper very quickly.

Q: Our baby was born last week. When will my wife begin to feel and act normal again?
A: When the kids are in college.

End of the line
now what

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البرنامج – باسم يوسف – الحلقة 16 Al Bernameg Bassem Youusef episode 16

باسم يوسف يقدم زار بلدي للاخوان وحزب النور
bassem Youssef exercism of the devil from The Ikhwan and el Nour Islamists

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Erotica and Voyeurism


Sleeping Japanese videos-erotiques… par videos-erotiques_1


Teacher Fucker videos-erotiques… par videos-erotiques_22


Fuckin Craz Couple videos-erotiques… par videos-erotiques_7


Trio Lesbian videos-erotiques.com sexy sexe sex… par videos-erotiques

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Cindy Gallop Makelove not porn

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Cindy Gallop has turned her illustrious advertising career into a lifelong pursuit of changing the world, her way — one daring project after another.

Cindy Gallop took a risk when she entered advertising, and hasn’t stopped taking them since. She began her early career in the UK as a theater publicist, until an audience member declared that she could “sell ice to an Eskimo,” and advised her to make the jump to advertising. Four years later, she joined one of the fastest growing agencies in Europe, Bartle Bogle Hegarty. In 1998, she moved to New York, alone, and began building their US branch. Four years after that move, BBH US was named Adweek’s Eastern Agency of the Year.

After all her success in the agency world, Gallop resigned as chairman of BBH in 2005 to do something different. Today, she continues to work in branding and advertising as a consultant, but is also tending some fascinating projects of her own. She launched MakeLoveNotPorn at TED2009, in an attempt to squash the myths of hardcore pornography and to begin a dialog around how real people have sex. In January 2010, Gallop will officially launch IfWeRanTheWorld, a simple, web platform designed to bring together human good intentions and corporate good intentions, and turn them into collective action.
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“This is someone who is wise and generous as much as she is gracious and feisty … With Cindy, there is never a dull moment.”


About a decade ago, Cindy Gallop, a pixie-like businesswoman, said she began dating and sleeping with men about half her age. While their stamina and her experience made a good combination, Gallop said, she also discerned a disturbing trend: The boudoir moves of many of her young lovers seemed drawn entirely from pornography.

So Gallop, now 52, an advertising executive turned web entrepreneur, took her findings to a TED conference in 2009. Easy access to sex websites, she told them, is teaching younger generations “that what you see in hard-core pornography is the way that you have sex.”

“As a mature, experienced, confident, older woman,” she added, “I have no problem realizing that a certain amount of re-education, rehabilitation and reorientation has to take place.”

As laughter rippled through the discomfited and rapt audience, Gallop unveiled a website,

www.MakeLoveNotPorn.com, that compares what it calls the “porn world” with the “real world” of sex.

As graphic and funny as some of the language was, the site was mostly text. Now, Gallop is taking it up a notch with www.MakeLoveNotPorn.tv, a kind of YouTube for the erotically unabashed. The site, just a few weeks old and still in beta, consists entirely of videos uploaded by real people having what might be called non-performance-like sex.

Payment is simple: Contributors pay $5 to post a video, users pay $5 to watch and 50 per cent of the proceeds go to the contributors. Each submission is vetted by Gallop and her team. There are now 13 videos. Compared with the harsh lens of mainstream pornography, the videos come across as sweet, earnest, languid, playful and deeply human.

In one video, a hip young thing throws her panties at a bespectacled bearded man and, in a flurry of giggles and moans, nudity and in flagrante delicto ensue.

In another, Lily LaBeau and Danny Wylde, pornographic actors who are a couple in real life, partake in a slow-building coupling, showing how they have sex outside of work.

Gallop said 19,000 users have signed up for invitations, with half the page views coming from countries like China, Iraq and Afghanistan. Gizmodo, a gadget blog, called it “The NSFW Social Media and Content-Sharing Platform the Internet’s Been Waiting for.”
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“It’s not about performing for the camera,” Gallop said. “We’re looking for the comical, the messy, the ridiculous. We’re looking for the real.”

Getting financing for MakeLoveNotPorn.tv has not been easy, but Gallop said she was compelled by the feedback she got from the original site. Women in particular believed that they were trapped in someone else’s pornographic fantasy in bed.

“If I want to tackle the impact of porn as default sex educator,” she said, “I have to come up with something as appealing to the mainstream and as all-pervasive in our society as porn.”


Despite her strident views, Gallop said she did not set out to become a sex evangelist. Born to a Chinese mother and British father, she was raised in Borneo (“a great deal more boring than it sounds,” she said) and studied English at Oxford. After college, she went into advertising and joined the firm Bartle Bogle Hegarty in London, where she quickly scaled the ranks. She moved to New York in 1998 to start up its U.S. office.

She stood out, helped to no small degree by her wardrobe. Gallop favours black leather and tight dresses, drawing inspiration from characters like Lisbeth Salander of The Girl With the Dragon Tattoo and Molly Millions of William Gibson’s cyberpunk novel Neuromancer.

“You could not miss her in the industry: She was distinct and different, a real character,” said William Charnock, a longtime friend and the chief strategy officer for R/GA, an interactive digital ad agency. “She’d be wearing leather bustiers to events.”

She also lives in an extraordinary home. Her cavernous 3,800-square-foot “black apartment” in Chelsea in Manhattan was carved out of a former YMCA and looks like a Blade Runner set reimagined by Carrie Bradshaw. Spotlit and filled with paintings, animal prints, Gucci stilettos and Chinese lacquer, it has been featured in an episode of Law and Order: SVU, a music video with P. Diddy and Nelly and, of course, the multiple beddings that eventually led to MakeLoveNotPorn.tv.
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Her entrance into cougardom came through work. Her advertising firm was pitching an online dating site and, wanting to fully experience the product, Gallop, then in her early 40s, posted a profile. To her surprise and delight, she said, the majority of responses came from younger men. Gallop has barely glanced back since.

“I realized I was an attractive older woman who never wanted to settle down,” she said. “I had a high-flying career. Never wanted to get married. All I wanted to do was have some fun. And a bunch of guys went, ‘Whoopee!’ ”

At first, she revelled in her sexual discovery. In 2008, she gave a talk at TED university titled The Toyboy Manifesto: Why Older Woman Plus Younger Man Is the Relationship Model of the Future, in which she argued that such pairings, while generally deemed socially unacceptable, were not only sexually ideal but also righted gender imbalances. Young men, she said, found her life experience appealing rather than threatening.

But when she saw that many of the young men had little sex education outside of pornography, she was moved to speak out.

“The issue I’m tackling is not porn,” she said. “It’s the complete lack of open, healthy dialogue around porn and sex.”

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Michel Onfray

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Michel Onfray French; born 1 January 1959 is a contemporary French philosopher who adheres to hedonism, atheism and anarchism. He is a highly prolific author on philosophy with more than 50 written books.
He has gained notoriety for writing such works as Physiologie de Georges Palante, portrait d’un nietzchéen de gauche, Politique du rebelle: traité de résistance et d’insoumission, Traité d’athéologie: Physique de la métaphysique (translated into English as Atheist Manifesto: The Case Against Christianity, Judaism, and Islam), La puissance d’exister and La Sculpture de soifor which he won the annual Prix Médicis in 1993.
His philosophy is mainly influenced by such thinkers as Nietzsche, Epicurus, the cynic and cyrenaic schools, french materialism, and individualist anarchism.
Life
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Onfray in Spain in 2009
Born to a family of Norman farmers, he graduated with a Ph.D. in philosophy. He taught this subject to senior students at a technical high school inCaen between 1983 and 2002, before establishing what he and his supporters call the Université populaire de Caen, proclaiming its foundation on a free-of-charge basis (but note, all French universities are free of charge) and on the manifesto written by Onfray in 2004 (La communauté philosophique).
Onfray’s book, Traité d’Athéologie “became the number one best-selling nonfiction book in France for months when it was published in the Spring of 2005 (Onfray borrowed the concept of “atheology” from Georges Bataille). This book later repeated its popular French success in Italy, where it was published in September 2005 and quickly soared to number one on Italy’s bestseller lists.”
Onfray endorsed the French Revolutionary Communist League and its candidate for the French presidency, Olivier Besancenot in the 2002 election, although this is somewhat at odds with the libertarian socialism he advocates in his writings. In 2007, he endorsed José Bové, but eventually voted for Olivier Besancenot, and conducted an interview with the future French President Nicolas Sarkozy, whom he declared was an ‘ideological enemy’ for Philosophie Magazine.
Onfray himself attributes the birth of philosophic communities such as the université populaire to the results of the French presidential election, 2002.
His latest book “Le crépuscule d’une idole : L’affabulation freudienne” (“The Twilight of an Idol: The Freudian Confabulation”), published in 2010, has been the subject of considerable controversy in France because of its criticism of Freud. He recognizes Freud as a philosopher, but he brings attention to the considerable cost of Freud’s treatments and casts doubts on the effectiveness of his methods.
Philosophy
Onfray writes that there is no philosophy without self-psychoanalysis. He describes himself as an adamant atheist and considers theist religion to be indefensible. He regards himself as being part of the tradition of individualist anarchism, a tradition that he claims is at work throughout the entire history of philosophy and that he is seeking to revive amidst modern schools of philosophy that he regards as cynical.
View on the history of western philosophy and the philosophical project
In an interview he establishes his view on the history of philosophy. For him, “There is in fact a multitude of ways to practice philosophy, but out of this multitude, the dominant historiography picks one tradition among others and makes it the truth of philosophy: that is to say the idealist, spiritualist lineage compatible with the Judeo-Christian world view. From that point on, anything that crosses this partial – in both senses of the word – view of things finds itself dismissed. This applies to nearly all non-Western philosophies, Oriental wisdom in particular, but also sensualist, empirical, materialist, nominalist, hedonistic currents and everything that can be put under the heading of “anti-Platonicphilosophy”. Philosophy that comes down from the heavens is the kind that – from Plato to Levinas by way of Kant and Christianity – needs a world behind the scenes to understand, explain and justify this world. The other line of force rises from the earth because it is satisfied with the given world, which is already so much.”
“His mission is to rehabilitate materialist and sensualist thinking and use it to re-examine our relationship to the world. Approaching philosophy as a reflection of each individual’s personal experience, Onfray inquires into the capabilities of the body and its senses and calls on us to celebrate them through music, painting, and fine cuisine.”

Hedonism
He defines hedonism “as an introspective attitude to life based on taking pleasure yourself and pleasuring others, without harming yourself or anyone else.” “Onfray’s philosophical project is to define an ethical hedonism, a joyous utilitarianism, and a generalized aesthetic of sensual materialism that explores how to use the brain’s and the body’s capacities to their fullest extent — while restoring philosophy to a useful role in art, politics, and everyday life and decisions.”

Onfray’s works “have explored the philosophical resonances and components of (and challenges to) science, painting, gastronomy, sex and sensuality, bioethics, wine, and writing. His most ambitious project is his projected six-volume Counter-history of Philosophy,” of which three have been published.

For him “In opposition to the ascetic ideal advocated by the dominant school of thought, hedonism suggests identifying the highest good with your own pleasure and that of others; the one must never be indulged at the expense of sacrificing the other. Obtaining this balance – my pleasure at the same time as the pleasure of others – presumes that we approach the subject from different angles – political, ethical, aesthetic, erotic, bioethical, pedagogical, historiographical….” For this he has “written books on each of these facets of the same world view.”
His philosophy aims “for “micro-revolutions, ” or revolutions of the individual and small groups of like-minded people who live by his hedonistic, libertarian values.”
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Religious Book shel at Borders library In Melbourne Australia
Anarchism
Recently Michel Onfray has embraced the term postanarchism to describe his approach to politics and ethics.[13] He advocates for an anarchism in line with such intellectuals as “Orwell, la philosophe Simone Weil, Jean Grenier, la French Theory avec Foucault, Deleuze, Bourdieu, Guattari, Lyotard, le Derrida de Politiques de l’amitié et du Droit à la philosophie, mais aussi Mai 68” which for him was “a Nietzschean revolt in order to put an end to the “One” truth, revealed, and to put in evidence the diversity of truths, in order to make disappear ascetic Christian ideas and to help arise new possibilities of existence”.
Relation to hedonism
In La puissance d’exister: Manifeste hédoniste, Onfray claims that the political dimension of hedonism runs from Epicurus to John Stuart Mill through Jeremy Bentham and Claude Adrien Helvétius. What political hedonism aims for is to create the greatest happiness for the greatest numbers.
Atheology

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Atheist Manifesto
Blogger J. M. Cornwell praised Onfray’s Atheist Manifesto, claiming it “is a religious and historical time capsule containing” what he sees as “the true deceptions of theological philosophy. It is divided into four parts: atheology, monotheisms, Christianity and theocracy. Each section details the historical chronology of the three major religions – Judaism, Christianity, and Islam – and atheism. Michel Onfray pulls back the veil on the Holy of Holies, delves into the workings of Islam, and excavates for the true identity of Jesus Christ while uncovering the groundwork laid during the Age of Enlightenment.”
“As Onfray details the myth and bloody history of monotheistic religions, he concludes that monotheism in general, and the religious beliefs of the major players on the Middle Eastern and Western stages in particular, have two ideologies in common: extinguishing the light of reason and total investment in death”.
Recently he has been involved in promoting the work of Jean Meslier, an 18th-century French Catholic priest who was discovered, upon his death, to have written a book-length philosophical essay promoting atheism.
Criticism
Scholarly criticism of The Atheist Manifesto has included allegations of historical inaccuracies pertaining to the life of Jesus. Among the “incalculable number of contradictions and improbabilities in the body of the text of the synoptic Gospels” two claims are made: crucifixion victims were not laid to rest in tombs, and in any case Jews were not crucified in this period. Macquarie University historian John Dickson has pointed out that Philo of Alexandria, writing about the time of Jesus, tells us that sometimes the Romans handed the bodies of crucifixion victims over to family members for proper burial. The Roman Jewish historian Flavius Josephus even remarks: “the Jews are so careful about funeral rites that even malefactors who have been sentenced to crucifixion are taken down and buried before sunset”. Regarding the second claim, Dickson calls this a ‘clear historical blunder’:
Varus, governor of Syria, crucified 2000 Jews involved in the rebellion of 4 BC (Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 17.295). In the late 40s AD the sons of Judas the Galilean, named James and Simon, were crucified by order of Tiberius Alexander (Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 20.102). In the final weeks of the siege of Jerusalem, according to Josephus, the Romans were crucifying 500 Jews a day, stationing the crosses in full view of the city walls: “The soldiers out of rage and hatred amused themselves by nailing their prisoners in different postures; and so great was their number, that space could not be found for the crosses nor crosses for the bodies” (Josephus, The Jewish War 5.451)…

But perhaps the clearest evidence of Onfray’s mistake is the discovery in 1968 of archaeological remains of a crucifixion victim in a Jewish tomb. The tomb, just north of Jerusalem, contained numerous ossuaries (burial boxes), one of which bore the inscription “Jehohanan and Jehohanan ben Jehohanan,” meaning that the box contained the bones of a father and his son of the same name, “John”. Analysis of the bones revealed the remains of a male heel bone which had been pierced through by an iron nail. The nail, which was 11.5 cm long, was badly bent and so had never been removed from the foot. A plaque of wood from an olive tree was still attached. It was a remarkable find and has taught us quite a bit about crucifixion, not the least of which is that Jews were certainly crucified in the first century and some of them were properly buried (admittedly, the settlement of this matter goes no way towards proving the actual existence of a Christian God; it remains merely an historical point).
Onfray In Ukraine
Onfray In Ukraine
The Université Populaire
Onfray was a high school philosophy teacher for two decades until he resigned in 2002 to establish a tuition-free Université Populaire (People’s University) at Caen, at which he and several colleagues teach philosophy and other subjects.
“The Université Populaire, which is open to all who cannot access the state university system, and on principle does not accept any money from the State — Onfray uses the profits from his books to help finance it — has had enormous success. Based on Onfray’s book La Communauté Philosophique: Manifeste pour l’Université Populaire (2004), the original UP now has imitators in Picardie, Arras, Lyon, Narbonne, and Le Mans, with five more in preparation.” “The national public radio network France Culture annually broadcasts his course of lectures to the Universite Populaire on philosophical themes.”
Works

onfray 4Lutte_de_Jacob_avec_l'Ange
Atheology
Jacob fighting the angel, by Delacroixinspired the bookcover of traité d’athéologie
• Le ventre des philosophes, critique de la raison diététique (1989)
• Physiologie de Georges Palante, portrait d’un nietzchéen de gauche (1989)
• Cynismes, portrait du philosophe en chien (1990)
• L’art de jouir : pour un matérialisme hédoniste (1991)
• La sculpture de soi : la morale esthétique (1991)
• L’œil nomade : la peinture de Jacques Pasquier (1992)
• La raison gourmande, philosophie du goût (1995)
• Ars moriendi : cent petits tableaux sur les avantages et les inconvénients de la mort (1995)
• Métaphysique des ruines : la peinture de Monsu Désidério (1995)
• Les formes du temps : théorie du Sauternes (1996)
• Politique du rebelle : traité de résistance et d’insoumission (1997)
• À côté du désir d’éternité : fragments d’Égypte (1998)
• Théorie du corps amoureux : pour une érotique solaire (2000)
• Prêter un livre n’est pas voler son auteur (2000)
• Antimanuel de philosophie : leçons socratiques et alternatives (2001)
• Célébration du génie colérique : tombeau de Pierre Bourdieu (2002)
• L’invention du plaisir : fragments cyréaniques (2002)
• Esthétique du Pôle nord : stèles hyperborréennes (2002)
• Splendeur de la catastrophe : la peinture de Vladimir Velickovic (2002)
• Les icônes païennes : variations sur Ernest Pignon-Ernest (2003)
• Archéologie du présent, manifeste pour l’art contemporain (2003)
• Féeries anatomiques (2003)
• La philosophie féroce : exercices anarchistes (2004)
• La communauté philosophique (2004)
• Traité d’athéologie : Physique de la métaphysique, Paris, Grasset, (2005); English translation by Jeremy Leggatt as Atheist Manifesto: The Case Against Christianity, Judaism, and Islam (New York: Arcade Publishing, 2007)
• Théorie du voyage : poétique de la géographie, Paris, Galilée, 2005
• La puissance d’exister, (2006) Grasset,
• Nietzsche: Se créer Liberté. (2010) Les Éditions du Lombard
• Le Crépuscule d’une idole. L’Affabulation freudienne. (2010) Grasset
• Apostille au Crépuscule. Pour une psychanalyse non freudienne, (2010) Grasset
• L’Ordre libertaire. La vie philosophique d’Albert Camus, Flammarion, ISBN 978-2-08-126441-0, J’ai lu,
• Vies & mort d’un dandy. Construction d’un mythe, Galilée,
• Journal hédoniste :
• I. Le désir d’être un volcan (1996)
• II. Les vertus de la foudre (1998)
• III. L’archipel des comètes (2001)
• IV. La lueur des orages désirés (2007)
Onfray 6 contre_histoire_de_la_philosophie_
• La contre histoire de la philosophie:
• I. Les Sagesses Antiques (2006)
• II. Le Christianisme hédoniste (2006)
• III. Les libertins baroques (2007)
• IV. Les Ultras des Lumières (2007), Grasset,
• V. L’Eudémonisme social (2008), Grasset,
• VI. Les Radicalités existentielles (2009), Grasset
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